Napoleon I on 18 Brumaire

From the Correspondence of Napoleon

When deplorable weakness and endless versatility manifest themselves in the councils of power; when, yielding in turn to the influence of opposing parties, and living day by day, without fixed plan, without assured progress, it has given the measure of its impotence, and the most moderate citizens are forced to agree that the state is no longer governed; when finally to its nullity at home the administration adds the most serious harm it can have in the eyes of a proud people, I mean degradation abroad, then a vague anxiety spreads throughout society, the need for her preservation agitates her, and, looking around herself, she seems to be looking for a man who can save her.

A numerous nation always contains this tutelary genius within its bosom; but sometimes he is slow to appear. In fact, it is not enough that he exists, he must be known; he must know himself. Until then all attempts are in vain, all efforts are powerless; the inertia of the majority protects the nominal government, and, despite its incompetence and weakness, the efforts of its enemies do not prevail against it. But when this impatiently awaited savior suddenly gives a sign of existence, the national instinct guesses it and calls to him, the obstacles are smoothed out before him, and a whole great people, flying in his path, seems to say: There he is!

Such was the situation of minds in France, in the year 1799, when, on October 9 (16 Vendémiaire year VIII), the frigates Muiron, Carrère, the chebecs Revanche and Fortune, came to the point of the day, anchor in the Gulf of Fréjus. As soon as French frigates were recognized, it was suspected that they came from Egypt. The desire to have news from the army caused crowds of citizens to rush to the shore. Soon news spread that Napoleon was on board. The enthusiasm was such that even the wounded soldiers left the hospitals, despite the guards, to go to the shore. Everyone was crying with joy. In a moment the sea was covered with canoes. The officers of the batteries, the customs officers, the crews of the vessels anchored in the harbor, in short all the people, attacked the frigates; General Perreimond, who commanded on the coast, approached first: this is how they gained entry. Before the arrival of the health officials, communication had taken place with the entire coast.

Italy had just been lost, the war was going to be postponed to the Var, and from then on Fréjus feared an invasion; the need to have a leader at the head of affairs was too compelling; the impression of Napoleon's sudden appearance agitated everyone's minds too strongly to leave room for any ordinary considerations; Health officials declared that there was no need for quarantine, motivating their report on the fact that the practice had taken place in Ajaccio. However this reason was not valid, it was only a reason to quarantine Corsica; the Marseille administration made this observation, with good reason, two weeks later. It is true that, in the fifty days since the ships had left Egypt, no illness had broken out on board, and that before their departure the plague had ceased for three months. At six o'clock in the evening, Napoleon, accompanied by Berthier, got into a carriage to go to Paris.

However, the news of Napoleon's return had reached Paris: it was announced in all the theaters; it produced an extreme sensation, a general intoxication. The members of the Directory had to share it. Some members of the Manége society turned pale; but, like the partisans from abroad, they dissembled and gave themselves over to the torrent of general joy. Baudin, deputy for the Ardennes, a good man, greatly tormented by the unfortunate direction that the affairs of the Republic had taken, died of joy on learning of Napoleon's return.

The fatigue of the crossing and the effects of the transition from a dry climate to a humid temperature led Napoleon to stop for six hours in Aix. All the inhabitants of the town and neighboring villages came running in crowds, and expressed the happiness they felt at seeing him again. Everywhere the joy was extreme; those who from the countryside did not have time to arrive on the road rang the bells and placed flags on bell towers; at night they covered them with fires. This was not a citizen returning to his homeland, this was not a general returning from a victorious army: it was already a sovereign returning to his States. The enthusiasm of Avignon, Montélimart, Valence, Vienne, was only surpassed by the enthusiasm of Lyon.

This city, where Napoleon stayed for twelve hours, was in universal delirium. The Lyonnais have always shown great affection for Napoleon, whether it is due to this generosity of character which is specific to the Lyonnais, or because, Lyon considering itself as the metropolis of the South, everything relating to the security of the Italian borders strongly affected its inhabitants, or finally that this city, composed largely of Burgundians and Dauphinois, shared the feelings more strongly existing in these two provinces. All imaginations were still excited by the news which had been circulating for eight days of the battle of Aboukir and the brilliant successes of the French in Egypt, which contrasted so much with the defeats of our armies of Germany and Italy. On all sides the people seemed to say: “We are numerous, we are brave, and yet we are defeated; we lack a leader to lead us; he is coming, our days of glory will return!”

However, the news of Napoleon's return had reached Paris: it was announced in all the theaters; it produced extreme sensation, a general intoxication. The members of the Directory had to share it. Some members of the Manège society turned pale; but, like the partisans of foreign powers, they dissembled and gave themselves over to the torrent of general joy. Baudin, deputy for the Ardennes, a good man, greatly tormented by the unfortunate direction that the affairs of the Republic had taken, died of joy on learning of Napoleon's return.

Napoleon had already passed Lyon when his landing was announced in Paris. As a precaution very appropriate to his situation, he had indicated to his couriers a route different from the one he took, so that his wife, his family, his friends made a mistake in wanting to go to meet him; which delayed for several days the moment when he could see them again. Arriving thus in Paris, completely unexpected, he was in his house, rue Chantereine, when his arrival in the capital was still unknown. Two hours later he presented himself to the Directory: recognized by soldiers on guard, shouts of joy announced him. Each of the members of the Directory seemed to share the public joy; he only had to praise himself for the welcome he received. The nature of past events informed him of the situation in France, and the information he had obtained on the road had made him aware of everything. His resolution was made. What he had not wanted to attempt on his return from Italy, he was determined to do today. His contempt for the government of the Directory and for the leaders of the Councils was extreme. Determined to seize authority, to restore France to its days of glory, by giving strong direction to public affairs, it was for the execution of this project that he left Egypt; and everything he had just seen in the interior of France had increased this feeling and strengthened his resolution.

Of the old Directory, only Barras remained; the other members were Roger-Ducos, Moulins, Gohier and Sieyès.
Ducos was a man of a narrow and easy character.
Moulins, division general, had not been in the war; he had just left the French guards and had received a promotion to the Army of the Interior. He was an honest man, a warm and upright patriot.
Gohier was a renowned lawyer, of exalted patriotism, a distinguished jurisconsult, a man of integrity and frankness.
Sieyès had long been known to Napoleon. Born in Fréjus, in Provence, he began his reputation with the revolution; he had been appointed to the Constituent Assembly by the voters of the Third Estate of Paris, after having been rejected by the assembly of the clergy which was held in Chartres. It was he who wrote the pamphlet, What is the Third Estate? which had such great popularity. He is not a man of execution: knowing little about men, he does not know how to make them act. His studies having all been directed towards metaphysics, he has the faults of metaphysicians, and too often disdains positive notions; but he is capable of giving useful and luminous advice in the most serious circumstances and crises. It is to him that we owe the division of France into departments, which destroyed the provincial spirit. Although he never occupied the tribune with brilliance, he was useful to the success of the revolution through his advice in the committees. He had been appointed Director when the Directory was created; but, having then refused, Revellière replaced him. Sent since then as ambassador in Berlin, he drew from this mission a great distrust of Prussian policy. He had just been seated at the Directory; but he had already rendered great services by opposing the success of the Manège society, which he thought was ready to seize the helm of the State. He had a horror of this faction; and, without fear of attracting the enmity of this powerful party, he courageously fought the intrigues of these men of blood, to save the Republic from the disaster with which it was threatened.

At the time of 13 Vendémiaire, the following event had placed Napoleon in good position to judge him well. In the most critical moment of this day, when the Committee of Forty had lost its head, Sieyès approached Napoleon, took him to a window embrasure, while the committee was deliberating on the response to be made to the challenges of the sections: “You hear them, general; they speak when we should act! The corps are worthless to lead armies, because they do not know the price of time and opportunity. You have nothing to do here. Come, general, take advice from your genius and the position of the homeland: the hope of the Republic is only with you!”

Napoleon accepted dinner with each director, on the condition that it would be with family and without any strangers. A ceremonial meal was given to him by the Directory. The Legislative Corps wanted to follow this example. When the proposal was made to the general committee, there arose lively opposition, the minority not wanting to pay any homage to General Moreau, who was proposed to be associated with it; it accused him of having behaved badly on the 18th of Fructidor. The majority resorted, to remove any difficulty, to the expedient of resorting to a subscription. The feast was given in the Saint-Sulpice church; the table had seven hundred seats. Napoleon only stayed for a short time, appearing worried and very preoccupied. Every minister wanted to hold a feast for him; he only accepted dinner with that of Justice, whom he esteemed greatly; he wanted the principal jurisconsults of the Republic to be there; he was cheerful there, talked at length about the civil and criminal code, to the great astonishment of Tronchet, Treilhard, Merlin and Target. He expressed the desire that a simple code appropriate to the enlightenment of the century would govern the people and properties of the Republic.

Consistent in his ways, he seldom enjoyed these public festivals, and adopted the same plan of conduct that he had followed on his first return from Italy. Always dressed in the uniform of a member of the Institute, he only appeared in public with this society. He only admitted into his house the scholars, the generals of his suite and a few friends: Regnaud (of Saint-Jean-d'Angely), whom he had employed in Italy in 1797, and whom he had since placed in Malta; Volney, author of a very good Journey to Egypt; Ræderer, whose noble sentiments and probity he esteemed; Lucien Bonaparte, one of the most influential orators of the Council of Five Hundred; he had stripped the Republic from the revolutionary regime, by opposing the declaration of the homeland in danger; Joseph Bonaparte, who ran a large house and who was highly accredited. He attended the Institute; but he only went to the theaters when he was not expected there, and always in grilled boxes.

Meanwhile all Europe resounded with the arrival of Napoleon; all the troops, the friends of the Republic, Italy itself, gave themselves up to the highest hopes: England and Austria shuddered. English rage turned against Sidney-Smith and Nelson, who commanded English naval forces in the Mediterranean. A large number of caricatures on this subject covered the streets of London.

Talleyrand feared being poorly received by Napoleon. It had been agreed with the Directory and with Talleyrand that immediately after the departure of the expedition from Egypt negotiations would be opened on its subject with the Porte [the Ottoman government]. Talleyrand was even to be the negotiator, and to leave for Constantinople twenty-four hours after the Egyptian expedition had left the port of Toulon. This commitment, formally required and positively agreed, had been forgotten; not only had Talleyrand remained in Paris, but no negotiations had taken place. Talleyrand did not suppose that Napoleon had lost his memory of it; but the influence of the Manège society had caused this minister to be dismissed; his position was a guarantee. Napoleon did not reject him. Talleyrand, moreover, employed all the resources of a flexible and insinuating spirit to win over a vote that it was important for him to keep on his side.

Fouché had been minister of police for several months; he had, after 13 Vendémiaire, some relations with Napoleon, who knew his immorality and the fickleness of his mind. Sieyès had the Manège shut down without his participation. Napoleon accomplished the 18th of Brumaire without keeping Fouché in on the secret.

Réal, commissioner of the Directory for the Paris department, inspired more confidence in Napoleon. Zealous for the revolution, he had been, in a time of storm and unrest, deputy for the prosecutor of the commune of Paris. His heart was ardent, but permeated with noble and generous feelings.

All classes of citizens, all regions of France awaited with great impatience what Napoleon would do. From all sides they offered him arms and complete submission to his wishes. Napoleon spent his time listening to the proposals made to him, observing all parties, and finally understanding the true situation of affairs. All the parties wanted a change, and all wanted to make it with him, even the coryphées of the Manège.

Bernadotte, Augereau, Jourdan, Markot, etc., who were at the head of the leaders of this society, offered Napoleon a military dictatorship, proposed to recognize him as leader and to entrust him with the destiny of the Republic, provided that he secondat the principles of the Manège society.

Sieyès, who had in the Directory the voice of Roger-Ducos and the majority of the Council of Elders, and only a small minority in that of the Five Hundred, proposed to place him at the head of the government, in changing the constitution of the year m, which he considered bad, and to adopt the institutions and the constitution that he had meditated on and which were still in his portfolio.

Régnier, Boulay, a large party of the Council of Elders and many members of that of the Five Hundred also wanted to put the fate of the Republic in his hands. This party was that of the moderates and the wisest men of the legislature; he is the one who opposed with Lucien Bonaparte the declaration of the homeland in danger.

The directors Barras, Moulins, Gohier, and I insinuated to resume command of the army of Italy, to reestablish the Cisalpine republic and the glory of French arms. Moulins and Gohier had no ulterior motives: they were in good faith in the system of the moment; they believed that everything would be fine as soon as Napoleon gave new successes to our armies. Barras was far from sharing this security; he knew that everything was going wrong, that the Republic was perishing; but, whether he had entered into commitments with the suitor, as was said at the time, or whether, deluding himself about his personal situation (for what error are vanity and love not capable of- characteristic of an ignorant man!), he believed he could remain at the head of affairs, Barras made the same proposals as Moulins and Gohier.

However, all the factions were on the move. That of the Fructidorians seemed convinced of its influence, but it had no supporters in the existing authorities.

Napoleon could choose between several courses to take: Consolidate the existing constitution, and give support to the Directory by being appointed director. But this constitution had fallen into contempt, and a shared magistracy could not lead to any satisfactory results. It would have been to associate with the revolutionary prejudices, with the passions of Barras and Sieyès, and, as a result, to join in the hatred of their enemies.

Changing the constitution and achieving power through the Manège society. It contained a large number of the hottest Jacobins; they had a majority in the Council of Five Hundred and an energetic minority in that of the Elders. By using these men, victory was assured, there would be no resistance. It was the surest way to overthrow what existed. But the Jacobins are not attached to any leader; they are exclusive, extreme in their passions. It would therefore be necessary, after arriving through them, to get rid of them and persecute them: this betrayal was unworthy of a generous man.

Barras offered the support of his friends but they were men of suspect morals and publicly accused of squandering public wealth: how could one govern with such people? because, without rigid probity, it was impossible to restore finances and do anything good.

To Sieyès were attached a large number of educated, honest and republican men by principles, generally having little energy, and very intimidated by the Manège faction and popular movements, but who could be retained after the victory and be successfully employed in regular government. The character of Sieyès gave no cause for doubt; in no case could he be a dangerous rival. But, by taking this course, it was declaring oneself against Barras and against the Manège, who held Sieyès in horror.

On 8 Brumaire (October 30, 1799), Napoleon dined at Barras; there were few people. A conversation took place after dinner. The Republic is perishing, said the director; nothing can go right anymore; the government is without strength; we must make a change, appoint Hédouville president of the Republic. As for you, general, your intention is to return to the army; and I, sick, unpopularized, worn out, am only good for returning to the private class. Napoleon looked at him fixedly, without answering him.

Barras lowered his eyes and remained speechless. The conversation ends there. General Hédouville was a man of excessive mediocrity. Barras did not say his thoughts; his countenance betrayed his secret.

This conversation was decisive. A few moments later, Napoleon came down to see Sieyès. He informed him that for ten days all parties had been speaking to him; that he was resolved to walk with him, Sieyès, and the majority of the Council of Elders, and that he had come to give him positive assurance. It was agreed that, from the 15th to the 20th of Brumaire, the change could take place.

Returning home, Napoleon found Talleyrand, Fouché, Ræderer and Réal there. He told them naively, with simplicity, and without any facial movement that could cause his opinion to be prejudged, what Barras had just told him.

Réal and Fouché, who were attached to this director, felt how untimely his dissimulation was. They went to his house to reproach him. The next day Barras came at eight o'clock to see Napoleon, who was still in bed. He absolutely wanted to see him, came in, and told him that he feared he had explained himself badly the day before; that only he, Napoleon, could save the Republic; that he came to put himself at his disposal, do whatever he wanted, and take whatever role he would give him. He begged him to give him the assurance that, if he had any project in mind, he would count on him, Barras.

But Napoleon had already made up his mind: he replied that he wanted nothing; that he was tired, indisposed; that he could not get used to the humidity of the atmosphere of the capital, coming from the dry climate of the sands of Arabia, and he ended the interview with similar small talk.

However, Moulins went every morning, between eight and nine o'clock, to Napoleon, to ask his advice on the affairs of the day. It was military news or civil affairs, over which he desired to have direction. On what related to the military, Napoleon responded according to his opinion; but on civil affairs, not believing it necessary to make known to him all his thought, he only answered vague things.

Gohier also came from time to time to visit Napoleon, make proposals and ask for advice.

The corps of officers of the garrison, headed by General Morand, commanding the area of Paris, asked to be presented to Napoleon; he could not be. Sent away day by day, the officers began to complain about the reluctance he showed to see his former comrades again. The forty adjutants of the Paris National Guard, who had been appointed by Napoleon when he commanded the Army of the Interior, had requested the favor of seeing him. He knew almost all of them; but, to hide his designs, he postponed the moment of receiving them.

The 8th and 9th dragoon regiments, which were garrisoned in Paris, were old regiments of the Army of Italy; they aspired to march in front of their former general. Napoleon accepted this offer, and sent word to them that he would tell them the day. The 21st mounted chasseurs, who had contributed to the success of the 13th Vendémiaire, were also in Paris. Murat was leaving this corps, and all the officers were constantly going to his house to ask him what day Napoleon would see the regiment. They would not get more than the others.

The citizens of Paris complained of the general's incognito; they went to the theaters, to the streets where he was advertised, and he didn't come. No one could imagine this behavior; impatience was gaining on everyone. There were murmurs against Napoleon. It's been a fortnight since he arrived, they said, and he hasn't done anything yet. Does he intend to act as he did on his return from Italy, and let the Republic perish in the agony of the factions which are tearing it apart? The decisive moment was approaching.

On the 15th of Brumaire, Sieyès and Napoleon had a meeting, in which they decided on all the arrangements for the day of the 18th. It was agreed that the Council of Elders, taking advantage of Article 102 of the Constitution, would decree the transfer of the Legislative Corps at Saint-Cloud, and would appoint Napoleon as commander-in- chief of the guard of the Legislative Corps, of the troops of the Paris military division and of the national guard. This decree having to pass on the 18th at seven o'clock in the morning, at eight o'clock Napoleon had to go to the Tuileries, where the troops would be assembled, and take command of the capital there.

On the 17th Napoleon informed the officers that he would receive them the next day at six o'clock in the morning. As this hour might seem inappropriate, he pretended to be traveling. He gave the same invitation to the forty adjutants of the national guard, and sent word to the three cavalry regiments that he would review them, on the Champs-Élysées, on the same day, the 18th, at seven o'clock in the morning.

At the same time he warned the generals who had returned from Egypt with him, and all those whose feelings he knew, that he would be very happy to see them at that time. Each of them believed that the invitation was for him alone, and supposed that Napoleon had orders to give him; because it was known that the Minister of War, Dubois-Crancé, had brought home the army's statements, and was taking his advice on everything that had to be done, both on the borders of the Rhine and in Italy.

Moreau, who had been at the dinner of the Legislative Corps, and whom Napoleon had seen there for the first time, having learned through public noise that a change was being prepared, declared to Napoleon that he placed himself at his disposal; that he did not need to be kept in any secret, and that it was only necessary to warn him an hour in advance.

Macdonald, who was also in Paris, had made the same offers of service. At two o'clock in the morning Napoleon sent word to them that he wanted to see them at seven o'clock at his house and on horseback. He did not warn Augereau nor Bernadotte; however Joseph brought the latter.

General Lefebvre commanded the military division; he was entirely devoted to the Directory. Napoleon sent him, at midnight, an aide-de- camp to tell him to come to his house at six o'clock.

Everything came to pass as agreed. At seven o'clock in the morning, the Council of Elders met, under the presidency of Lemercier. Cornudet, Lebrun, Fargues vividly depicted the misfortunes of the Republic, the dangers surrounding it, and the permanent conspiracy of the leaders of the Manége to re-establish the reign of terror. Régnier, deputy for Meurthe, requested, by motion of order, that as a result of Article 102 of the Constitution the seat of the sessions of the Legislative Corps be transferred to Saint-Cloud, and that Napoleon be invested with supreme command of the troops of the 17th military division and responsible for carrying out this transfer. He then developed his motion: “The Republic is threatened,” he said, “by the anarchists and the foreign party; public safety measures must be taken; we are assured of the support of General Bonaparte; it will be in the shadow of its protective arm that the Councils will be able to deliberate on the changes that the public interest requires.” As soon as the majority of the Council was satisfied that this was in agreement with Napoleon, the decree passed, but not without strong opposition. It was designed in these terms: “The Council of Elders, by virtue of articles 102, 103 and 104 of the Constitution, decrees the following:

ARTICLE I. The Legislative Body is transferred to Saint-Cloud; the two Councils will sit there in the two wings of the palace.

ARTICLE II. They will be there tomorrow, 19 Brumaire, at noon; all continuation of functions, of deliberations, is prohibited elsewhere and before this term.

ARTICLE III. General Bonaparte is responsible for the execution of this decree. He will take all necessary measures for the security of the national representation. The general commanding the 17th military division, the guards of the Legislative Corps, the sedentary national guards, the line troops located in the commune of Paris and throughout the entire extent of the 17th military division, are placed immediately under his orders and required to recognize him in this capacity; all citizens will lend him a hand at his first requisition.

ARTICLE IV. General Bonaparte is called to the Council to receive a copy of this decree, and to take the oath; he will consult with the commissions of inspectors of the two Councils.

ARTICLE V. This decree will be transmitted immediately by a state messenger to the Council of Five Hundred and to the Executive Directory; it will be printed, posted, promulgated and sent to all the municipalities of the Republic by extraordinary couriers.”

This decree was issued at eight o'clock, and at half past eight the state messenger who carried it arrived at Napoleon's lodgings. He found the avenues filled with officers of the garrison, adjutants of the national guard, generals and three cavalry regiments. Napoleon had the doors opened, and, his house being too small to accommodate so many people, he advanced on the steps, received the compliments of the officers, harangued them, and told them that he was counting on them all to save France. At the same time he informed them that the Council of Elders, authorized by the Constitution, had just given him command of all the troops; that it was a matter of taking great measures to rescue the country from the terrible position in which it found itself; that he counted on their arms and their will; that he was going to ride a horse to go to the Tuileries. The enthusiasm was extreme; all the officers drew their swords and promised assistance and loyalty. Then Napoleon turned to Lefebvre, asking him if he wanted to stay near him or return to the Directory. Lefebvre, deeply moved, did not hesitate. Napoleon immediately mounted his horse and put himself at the head of the generals and officers and the 1,500 horses to which he had stopped on the boulevard, at the corner of Mont-Blanc street. He ordered the adjutants of the national guard to return to their quarters, to sound a call to arms, to make known the decree that they had just heard, and to announce that only the orders emanating from him were to be recognized.

Napoleon went to the bar of the Council of Elders, surrounded by this brilliant procession. He said:

“You are the wisdom of the nation; It is up to you to indicate in this circumstance the measures which can save the homeland. I come, surrounded by all the generals, to promise you the support of all their arms. I name General Lefebvre my lieutenant. I will faithfully fulfill the mission you entrusted to me. Let us not look in the past for examples of what is happening: nothing in history resembles the end of the 18th century, nothing in the end of the 18th century resembles the current moment.”

All the troops were gathered at the Tuileries; he reviewed them to the unanimous acclamations of citizens and soldiers. He gave command of the troops responsible for guarding the Legislative Corps to General Lannes, and to General Murat the command of those sent to Saint-Cloud. He charged General Moreau with guarding the Palace of Luxembourg; and, for this purpose, he placed 500 men of the 86th regiment under his command. But when it was time to leave, these troops refused to obey; they had no confidence in Moreau, who, they said, was not a patriot. Napoleon was obliged to harangue them, assuring them that Moreau would go along. Moreau had acquired this reputation since his conduct during Fructidor.

The rumor soon spread throughout the capital that Napoleon was at the Tuileries and that he was the only one to be obeyed. The people ran there in crowds, some out of simple curiosity to see such a renowned general; the others, out of patriotic impulse and zeal to offer him their assistance. The following proclamation was posted everywhere:

“Citizens, the Council of Elders, repository of national wisdom, has just issued a decree; it is authorized to do so by articles 102 and 103 of the constitutional act. It charges me with taking measures for the security of the national representation. Its transfer is necessary and temporary; the Legislative Corps will find itself in a position to save the Republic from the imminent danger to which the disorganization of all parts of the administration is leading us. It needs, in this essential circumstance, union and trust. Rally around it: it is the only way to to maintain the Republic on the foundations of civil liberty, internal happiness, victory, and peace.”

He said to the soldiers:

“Soldiers, the extraordinary decree of the Council of Elders is in accordance with articles 102 and 103 of the constitutional act. It gave me command of the city and the army. I accepted it to support the measures it is going to take and which are entirely in favor of the people. The Republic has been poorly governed for two years; you hoped that my return would put an end to so many evils. You celebrated it with a union which imposes obligations on me which I fulfill; you will fill yours and you will support your general with the energy, firmness and confidence that I have always had in you. Freedom, victory, and peace will restore the French Republic to the rank it occupied in Europe and which only ineptitude and betrayal could have caused it to lose.”

At this time Napoleon sent an aide-de-camp to the guard of the Directory to communicate the decree and instruct it to only receive orders from him. The guard rang on horseback; the leader consulted his soldiers, they responded with cries of joy. At that very moment an order had just arrived from the Directory contrary to that of Napoleon; but the soldiers, obeying only his own, set out to join him. Sieyès and Roger-Ducos had already gone to the Tuileries in the morning. It is said that Barras, seeing Sieyès riding a horse, made fun of the new squire's awkwardness. He was far from suspecting where he was going. Shortly after, informed of the decree, he met with Gohier and Moulins: they then learned that all the troops were surrounding Napoleon; they even saw their guard abandon them. From then on Moulins went to the Tuileries, and resigned, as Sieyès and Roger-Ducos had already done. Bottol, secretary of Barras, went to see Napoleon, who expressed all his indignation at the squandering which had ruined the Republic, and insisted that Barras should deliver his resignation. Talleyrand went to this director and brought it back. Barras went to Gros-Bois, accompanied by an honor guard of dragoons. From that moment the Directory found itself dissolved, and Napoleon alone charged with the executive power of the Republic.

However, the Council of Five Hundred had assembled under the presidency of Lucien. The Constitution was precise, the decree of the Council of Elders was within its powers: there was nothing to object to. The members of the Council, crossing the streets of Paris and the Tuileries, had learned of the events that were happening; they had witnessed the public enthusiasm. They were in astonishment and amazement at all the movement they saw. They complied with necessity, and adjourned the session for the next day, the 19th, at Saint-Cloud.

Bernadotte had married the sister-in-law of Joseph Bonaparte. He had been at the Ministry of War for two months, and was then dismissed by Sieyès: he had only made mistakes there. He was one of the warmest members of the Manège society, whose political opinions were then highly exalted and condemned by all good people. Joseph had taken him to see Napoleon in the morning; but when he saw what was going on, he slipped away and went to inform his friends at the Manège of what was happening.

Jourdan and Augereau came to see Napoleon at the Tuileries, when he was reviewing the troops. He advised them not to return to Saint-Cloud at the next day's session, to remain calm, not to compromise the services they had rendered to the homeland, because no effort could oppose the movement which had begun. Augereau assured him of his devotion and the desire he had to march under his orders. He even added: “What! General, do you no longer count on your little Augereau?”

Cambacérès, minister of justice, Fouché, minister of police, and all the other ministers, went to the Tuileries, and recognized the new authority. Fouché made great protests of attachment and devotion. Extremely opposed to Sieyès, he had not been in on the secret all day; he had ordered the barriers to be closed and the departure of couriers and stagecoaches to be stopped. “Hey! good God!” said the general to him, “why all these precautions? We march with the nation and by its strength alone. May no citizen be worried, and may the triumph of public opinion have nothing in common with these days made by a factious minority.”

The members of the majority of the Five Hundred, the minority of the Elders and the leaders of the Manège spent the whole day and night in meetings.

At seven o'clock in the evening Napoleon held a council at the Tuileries. Sieyès proposed arresting the forty main opposition leaders. This advice was wise; but Napoleon believed he had too much strength to employ so much prudence: “I swore this morning,” he said, “to protect the national representation; I do not want to violate my oath this evening: I do not fear such weak enemies.” Everyone followed the advice of Sieyès; but nothing could overcome the obstinacy or the delicacy of the general. We would soon see that he was wrong.

It was in this meeting that it was agreed to establish three provisional consuls, who would be Sieyès, Roger-Ducos and Napoleon, and the adjournment of the Councils for three months. The leaders of both Councils agreed on how they should conduct themselves in the Saint-Cloud session. Lucien, Boulay, Emile Gaudin, Chazal, Cabanis, were the leaders of the Council of Five Hundred; Regnier, Lemercier, Coraudet, Fargues, were of that of the Elders.

General Murat, as has been said, commanded the public force at Saint-Cloud; Ponsard commanded the battalion of the guard of the Legislative Corps; General Serurier had under his command a reserve placed at Point-du-Jour.

The active work was to prepare the rooms of the palace of Saint Cloud. The Orangery was intended for the Council of Five Hundred, and the Salon of Mars to that of the Elders; the apartments that have become, since then, the princes' salon and the Emperor's cabinet were prepared for Napoleon and his staff. Room inspectors occupied the Empress's apartments. It was two o'clock in the afternoon, and the premises intended for the Council of Five Hundred were still not ready. This delay of a few hours became disastrous. The deputies, who had arrived since midday, formed groups in the garden, tempers grew heated; they probed each other reciprocally, communicated and organized their opposition. They asked the Council from the Elders what it wanted; why it had brought them to Saint-Cloud. Was it to change the Directory? They generally agreed that Barras was corrupt, Moulins without consideration; they without difficulty named Napoleon and two other citizens to complete the government. The small number of individuals who were in on the plot then revealed that there was a will to regenerate the State by improving the Constitution, and adjourning the Councils. These insinuations not succeeding, a hesitation manifested itself among the members whose reliance was needed the most.

The session finally opened. Émile Gaudin went up to the podium, vividly painted the dangers of the homeland, and proposed to thank the Council of Elders for the measures of public safety of which it had taken the initiative, and to ask it, by a message, that it revealed its aims in full. At the same time he proposed to appoint a commission of seven people to report on the situation of the Republic.

The winds contained in the wineskins of Aeolus escaping with fury never excited a greater storm. The speaker was furiously thrown to the bottom of the rostrum. The agitation became extreme.

Delbrel requested that the members take a new oath to the Constitution of Year III. Lucien, Boulay and their friends turned pale. The roll call took place.

During this roll call, which lasted more than two hours, news of what was happening circulated in the capital. The leaders of the Manège assembly, the knitters, etc, came running. Jourdan and Augereau stood aside; believing Napoleon lost, they hastened to arrive. Augereau approached Napoleon and said to him: “Well, here you are in a nice position!” — “Augereau,” Napoleon continued, “remember at Arcole, affairs seemed much more desperate. Believe me, stay calm, if you don't want to be the victim. In half an hour you will see how things will turn out.”

The assembly appeared to decide with so much unanimity that no deputy dared to refuse to take an oath to the Constitution; Lucien himself was forced to do so. Howls and bravos were heard throughout the room. The moment was urgent. Many members, in pronouncing this oath, added developments to it, and the influence of such speeches could be felt on the troops. All minds were in suspense; the zealous became neutral; the timid had already changed banners. There wasn't a moment to lose. Napoleon crossed the Salon of Mars, entered the Council of Elders, and placed himself opposite the president. (That was the bar.)

"You are sitting on a volcano," he told them: “the Republic no longer has a government; the Directory is dissolved; the factions are agitated; the time to take a side has arrived. You have called my arm and that of my comrades in arms to the aid of your wisdom; but moments are precious; we must decide. I know that there is talk of Caesar, of Cromwell, as if the present era could be compared to times past. No, I only want the salvation of the Republic, and to support the decisions that you are going to take... And you, grenadiers, whose caps I see at the doors of this room, say it: have I ever deceived you ? Have I ever betrayed my promises, when, in the camps, in the midst of privations, I promised you victory, abundance, and when, at your head, I led you from success to success? Say it now, was this for my interests, or for those of the Republic?”

The general spoke vehemently. The grenadiers were electrified; and, waving their caps and their weapons in the air, they all seemed to say: “Yes, it's true! he always kept his word!”

Then a member (Linglet) stood up, and in a loud voice said: “General, we applaud what you say: therefore swear with us obedience to the Constitution of the year III, which alone can maintain the Republic.”

The astonishment these words caused produced the greatest silence. Napoleon reflected for a moment; after which, he resumed forcefully:

“You no longer have the Constitution of the year III: you violated it on Fructidor 18, when the government attacked the independence of the Legislative Body; you violated it on 20 Prairial Year VII, when the Legislative Body attacked the independence of the government; you violated it on 22 Floréal, when, by a sacrilegious decree, the government and the Legislative Body attacked the sovereignty of the people, by annulling the elections made by them. The Constitution violated, we need a new pact, new guarantees.”

The force of this speech, the general's energy, moved three-quarters of the members of the Council, who stood up in sign of approval. Cornudet and Régnier spoke forcefully to the same effect; a member spoke out against it, he denounced the general as the only conspirator who wanted to attack public freedom. Napoleon interrupted the orator, declared that he had the secret of all parties; that everyone despised the Constitution of the year III; that the only difference that existed between them was that some wanted a moderate republic, where all national interests, all properties, were guaranteed, while others wanted a revolutionary government, motivated by the dangers of the homeland. At this moment they came to inform Napoleon that, in the Council of Five Hundred, the roll call had ended, and that they wanted to force President Lucien to put to the vote the outlawing of his brother. Napoleon immediately went to the Five Hundred, entered the room with his hat down, ordered the officers and soldiers who accompanied him to remain at the doors; he wanted to stand at the bar to rally his party, which was numerous, but which had lost all rallying and all audacity. But, to get to the stand, you had to cross half the room, because the president sat on one of the lateral sides. When Napoleon had advanced alone to a third of the Orangery, two or three hundred members suddenly stood up exclaiming, “Death to the tyrant! down with the dictator!”

Two grenadiers whom the general's order had detained at the gate, and who had only obeyed with regret and saying: You don't know them, they are capable of anything, fell, saber in hand, those who opposed their passage to join their general, surrounded him and covered him with their bodies. All the other grenadiers followed this example, and dragged Napoleon out of the room. In this tumult, one of them, named Thomé, was slightly injured by a stab; another received several blows to his clothes.

The general went down to the courtyard of the castle and beat a circle, mounted his horse and harangued the troops: “I was going,” he said, “to show them the means to save the Republic and restore our glory. They answered me with daggers. They thus wanted to fulfill the desire of the allied kings. What more could England have done? Soldiers, can I count on you? “

Unanimous acclamations responded to this speech. Napoleon immediately ordered a captain to enter with ten men into the Salle des Cinq-Cents and deliver the president. Lucien had just put down his toga. “Miserables!” he cried, “you Demand that I outlaw my brother, the savior of the homeland, the one whose name alone makes kings tremble! I deposit the marks of the popular magistracy; I present myself to this platform as defender of the one you order me to immolate without hearing him.”

Saying these words, he leaves the chair and rushes to the rostrum. The grenadier officer then appears at the door of the room, shouting “Long live the Republic!” It is believed that the troops send a deputation to express their devotion to the Councils. This captain is greeted by a movement of joy.

He took advantage of this error, approached the platform, grabbed the president, telling him in a low voice: “This is your brother's order.” The grenadiers shout at the same time: “Down with the assassins!”

At these cries, joy changes into sadness; a gloomy silence testifies to the dejection of the entire assembly. There is no obstacle to the departure of the president, who leaves the room, goes into the courtyard, mounts his horse, and cries out in his stentorian voice: “General, and you, soldiers, the president of the Council of Five Cents tells you that rebels, with daggers in their hands, violated the deliberations. It requires you to use force against these rebels. The Council of Five Hundred is dissolved!”

“President,” answered the general, “that will soon be done.” He ordered at the same time to Murat to enter the room in a tight column.

At that moment, General Bernadotte dared to ask for fifty men to lie in ambush on the road and shoot the fugitives. Napoleon only responded to his request by recommending to the grenadiers not to commit excesses. “I don’t want,” he told them, “to see a drop of blood.”

Murat appears at the door and summons the Council to separate. The shouts, the vociferations continue. Colonel Moulins, Brune's aide-de-camp, who had just arrived from Holland, led the charge. The drum put an end to these clamors. The soldiers enter the room, bayonets extended. The deputies jump out of the windows and disperse, abandoning their togas, hats, etc. In an instant the room was empty.

The members of this Council who had spoken out the most fled in all haste to Paris. A hundred deputies from the Five Hundred rallied to the office and to the inspectors in the room. They went as a body to the Council of Elders. Lucien made it known that the Five Hundred had been dissolved on his indictment; that, responsible for maintaining order in the assembly, he had been surrounded by daggers; that he had sent bailiffs to reconvene the Council; that nothing was contrary to form and that the troops had only obeyed his indictment.

The Council of Elders, who saw this coup of authority by the military power with concern, was satisfied with this explanation. At eleven o'clock in the evening the two Councils met again; they were in the vast majority. Two commissions were charged with reporting on the situation in the Republic. It was decreed, on Bérenger's report, thanks to Napoleon and the troops.

Boulay de la Meurthe to the Five-Hundred, Villetard to the Elders, explained the situation of the Republic and the measures to be taken. The law of 19 Brumaire was decreed; she adjourned the Councils to the following 1st Ventose; it created two commissions of twenty-five members each to temporarily replace them. They also had to prepare a civil code. A provisional consular commission, composed of Sieyès, Roger-Ducos and Napoleon, was charged with executive power.

This law put an end to the Constitution of the year Ⅲ.

The interim Consuls arrived on the 20th, at two in the morning, in the room of the Orangery, where were assembled both councils. Lucien, President, spoke in these terms:

“Citizens Consuls, the greatest people on Earth entrusts you with its destinies. Within three months public opinion awaits you. The happiness of thirty million men, domestic tranquility, the needs of the armies, peace, that is the mandate that is given to you. Courage and devotion are no doubt needed to take on such an important functions; but the confidence of the people and the warriors surround you, and the Legislative Corps knows that your souls are wholly for the Fatherland. Citizens Consuls, we have just sworn, before adjourning, the oath which you shall repeat among us: The sacred oath of inviolable fealty to the sovereignty of the People, to the one and undividable French Republic, to Liberty, to Equality, and to the representative system.”

The Assembly separates and the consuls leave for Paris, to the Palace of Luxembourg.

This is how the revolution of 18 Brumaire was consummated.

Sieyès, during the most critical moment, stayed in his carriage at the gates of Saint-Cloud, in order to follow the march of the troops. His conduct during danger was suitable; he displayed firmness, resolution, and composure.