Jacques Foccart, Elysée Diary - January 1965
From Jacques Foccart's audio diary
Jacques Foccart was the only person to have spoken with General de Gaulle on a daily basis during the ten years and four months of his presidential tenure. He was officially General Secretary of the Elysée for African and Malagasy affairs. He also was, unofficially, his advisor on domestic policies and in charge of relations with the Gaullist movement, and its leaders. From January 1965 until the death of Georges Pompidou in 1974, he maintained an audio diary.
Every entry was dictated by Foccart on a recorder. At the beginning of each reel, he repeated or paraphrased the following:
“I ask from those who will have the opportunity to make use of these documents later on to do it in the spirit that animates me, that is to say for historical purposes. It is possible that certain opinions on this or that man may be difficult to admit, may even be difficult, for their relatives; I will have reported them out of a duty of sincerity, and I ask that these elements never be used in a spirit of controversy or disparagement.”
All of General de Gaulle’s quotes will be rendered in italic.
Friday, January 1st, 1965
New Year’s wishes of governing bodies. Presidential message to the nation.
Under the Fourth Republic, the presentation of New Year's greetings by the established bodies to the Head of State was spread over several days. The General considered that this distorted the meaning of this ceremony. He dedicates New Year's Day to it. Starting with the government at 8:30 a.m., which many ministers do not appreciate.
I will not comment on the entire day; I will simply say that each of the General's improvisations was perfect. In his response to Pompidou, he congratulated the head of government and the ministers on their work, adding that they should not relax their efforts.
After the delegation from the National Assembly office, led by Chaban-Delmas, the Senate delegation was headed by a vice-president. Indeed, since his famous speech in which he spoke of “treachery,” President Monnerville is no longer invited to the Élysée1.
Everyone had written their speech, except Chaban, who improvised. The General, in his response, took up the main points of the address given to him and sometimes put the speaker in their place. He adjusted his speaking time to that of his interlocutor, but obviously, overly long speeches annoyed him.
In his response to the military, the General was particularly brilliant and at ease, as he always is when addressing them. He takes particular care, and one can feel that he is part of the great family of the army. He painted a picture of the evolution of strategy from the time when men fought hand-to-hand to the era of missiles and the atomic bomb. It was striking, and his words were followed with great attention by all those to whom he spoke.
The most impressive moment is always the presentation of greetings by the diplomatic corps. In the reception hall, all the diplomatic missions are arranged in a circle according to protocol. In the center, the apostolic nuncio, who presents the greetings on behalf of all. The General responds and then makes his way around the room, greeting each ambassador with a kind word for the head of state they represent. The ambassador introduces their colleagues, and this is how the General shakes hands with the entire assembly, having very different attitudes or attentions depending on his interlocutors, showing interest, sympathy, or, on the contrary, discreet disapproval to the diplomats. It is a true barometer of the relations between our country and each represented country. Then, everyone heads to the buffet, and the General makes an effort to see as many people as possible. We, Burin des Roziers, Galichon, and I, are in charge of bringing him the ambassadors with whom he might like to chat for a moment. This is also a sign of the quality of our international relations.
The recording of the New Year's message that the General addresses to the nation, which is to be broadcast on the 8 p.m. news, takes place at noon, as it does every year. It is in the reception hall that all the equipment is set up. At the precise hour, the General arrives accompanied by his aide-de-camp. He is greeted by the director of the ORTF. He takes his place behind the desk, facing the cameras, makes a gesture with both hands to greet the technicians, and speaks a short phrase to allow the sound to be adjusted. Immediately, the recording begins, and without hesitation, the General recites his text, which he has prepared and memorized. Then he stands up and greets each of the technicians. Afterward, he shakes hands with his collaborators, who are few in number: the “four greats” and Pérol. We go to the small lounge to watch the recording. The General asks for the opinion of one or another. That day, he addresses me. My response is embarrassed because it is difficult to criticize the General in front of other people, despite the long-standing nature of my relationship with him. I only point out that asserting the success of the stabilization plan risks irritating the public, as the French are less convinced of it than he is.
Monday, January 4th, 1965
Responses to messages of New Year’s wishes. Dahomey. SDECE.
I submit to the General a large number of responses to New Year's greetings. For certain recipients, there are letters that he must sign. Telegrams are sent under my signature to our ambassadors, asking them to communicate a quoted text signed “Charles de Gaulle” to the head of state. Finally, simple cards are signed by Beaulaincourt2.
I draw the General's attention to a very kind card from Hubert Maga, the former president of Dahomey3, who has been deposed and is in prison. I tell him that a small handwritten note would be warmly received. He takes a piece of paper and writes the following: “My dear President, in response to your kind wishes, I send you mine, deeply sincere, for yourself and your family. France, as you know, remains faithful to Dahomey. Warm regards.” I point out to him that this letter will have a certain impact in Dahomey, and the General says that, after all, it's not so bad. I will hand it personally to our ambassador, who is passing through Paris, telling him to discreetly inform the current president, Apithy, that the General has written these few words to Maga, and I believe this will not be without effect on the conversations that are to take place between the Vice President of Dahomey, Ahomadegbé, and Houphouët-Boigny4.
Since Dacko5 is to visit him three days later, I propose to the General to organize a lunch on this occasion, which he willingly accepts. I also ask him to receive Risterrucci, who is to be appointed at the Council of Ministers on the 6th6. I tell him about a trip by Plantey7 to Chad, which he also accepts, but not without objections: “There is too much travel,” he says, “too many national holidays and too many opportunities for trips. All this sets a bad example for Africans, who are already too tempted to travel and, consequently, to spend money.”
Regarding a document I had given him and which he returned to me, asking why this paper did not bear a note or mention of origin, I inform the General that it comes from the SDECE and that I intend it for certain African heads of state who do not need to know its origin.
Finally, the General asks me: “Why didn't you inform me of Victor Lejeune's death? You knew him; he was one of our good companions who lived in L'Isle-Adam.” I remember him, but I did not know he had died. The General makes a remark that I often hear: “Of course, no one ever keeps me informed of anything! You must follow this very closely. Prepare a letter for me. I had him under my command as a reserve officer.”
Tuesday, January 5th, 1965
Epistolary art. Ethiopia. Tchad. Comores. Polynesia.
I gathered information on the death of Victor Lejeune. It dates back to October 24 of last year. I prepared a letter beginning with: “Madame, it is only now that I learn of the great bereavement that has struck you.” The General, who regularly reminds me never to start a letter with “I,” rewrites this beginning: “I have only just learned of the great bereavement that has struck you.” He also changes the following part to personalize it: “I had a deep and affectionate esteem for Victor Lejeune, my comrade-in-arms from the Great War and my good companion in the national effort.” He asks me, as always, for details about Lejeune's family situation, then he signs a blank sheet of letter paper, as he often does, to have the letter typed without needing to review it.
Ethiopia is behind the unrest in the French Coast of the Somalis8. The Quai d'Orsay, particularly Habib-Deloncle9, thinks that this matter should now be handled at the highest level by a letter or an envoy to the Negus. After reflection, the General tells me: “I do not want to assign someone specifically to this mission, but see Messmer10. He is due to go to Djibouti sometime soon. From there, he can easily go to Addis Ababa and see the emperor on my behalf.”
I present for signature the telegram addressed to President Tombalbaye on the occasion of Chad's national day. The usual remark: “Again! But they are always celebrating!” I explain that there are sixteen countries and that, consequently, it happens often. “Yes, yes, but they don't just have one national day. They always find a way to have an Independence Day, a Day of Unity, a Day of the Proclamation of the Republic, and it's too much.” Indeed, several countries organize two or three ceremonies a year.
Council of the DOM in March? The General agrees. He would also like to have a meeting of the TOM; it will have to take place afterward, as we cannot hold both at the same time11.
Jacquinot12 no longer opposes the creation of a Comorian decoration that would be awarded by the authorities of the archipelago and that the Comorians are clamoring for. “No, there is no reason. It is a territory of the Republic.” I insist. “Oh, enough with this story! It is not necessary.” But from the way he answered me, I sense that the General is a bit shaken. Bernard, the High Commissioner to the Comoros, will see him in a few days; this will be an opportunity to settle the matter once and for all, as we will not have peace with the Comorians otherwise.
The Government Council of Polynesia has been dismissed by the Territorial Assembly, which voted a motion of censure. I have no news, and I think it is a maneuver by the RDPT13.
Thursday, January 7th, 1965
Dahomey: Houphouët is plotting. Polynesia.
According to what Houphouët-Boigny told me about his meeting with Ahomadegbé, he proposed to fully support Ahomadegbé in a struggle he would have to wage against President Apithy to seize power in Dahomey. Power that he could then share with Maga, by sidelining Apithy or, if he were too recalcitrant, by imprisoning him. The General smiles at this information.
The new Government Council of Polynesia is the result of an unnatural alliance and will not last long14.
Reception of the diplomatic corps in the evening, meaning nearly two thousand five hundred people. The General is in great form, which will not prevent the press from making insinuations, as malicious and foolish as ever, about his health.
Friday, January 8th, 1965
Central African Republic. Congo-Léopoldville. Djibouti. Comoros.
We discuss at length the meeting the General had in the morning with David Dacko, the President of the Central African Republic, and the lunch that followed. Overall, the General is satisfied, and there is nothing particular to note.
The General received a letter from the former Prime Minister of Congo-Léopoldville, Cyrille Adoula. “I do not need to respond to Mr. Adoula. If you wish, let him know, through those who handled the transmission of this letter, that I have received it, but nothing more.”
The rue Oudinot15 asks if it should provide documents on Djibouti to the Senegalese delegate who is part of the Committee of Nine16. This does not seem appropriate to me, and of course, the General agrees, even saying vehemently: “We must completely ignore them; passing documents to them, even through indirect channels, would be acknowledging a certain competence, which cannot be the case under any circumstances. Therefore, leave me alone with these matters and let it be said once and for all! There is no communication to be made, no contact to be taken with these people. And if the Senegalese do not want to understand, just tell them that we, on our side, will know how to take the necessary measures concerning them.”
Jacquinot proposes to visit the French Coast of the Somalis in February, but Messmer will not go before March. “That's fine. We cannot prevent Jacquinot from going there in February. Let him do it, but Jacquinot is not the man to deliver a serious warning to the emperor. We need to be firmer, tougher than he would be. Let him go without giving him precise instructions, and it will be Messmer who will be tasked with delivering a warning to the emperor. If it's not before March, it's not of enormous importance.”
Still regarding Djibouti, I speak to the General about the letter he sent to Boegner17. I propose to communicate it to Jacquinot so that he can pass it on to Sicurani18, who is going to the French Coast of the Somalis. “Of course, it must be done. And if Pastor Adnet causes any trouble there, you will instruct the governor to put him on the first plane, showing him the commitment that Pastor Boegner has made, according to which Adnet will not involve himself in public affairs.”
The General received Bernard, who is conducting effective work in the Comoros. Above all, it is necessary to allocate funds for the transfer of the capital. I approach the matter of creating the Order of Anjouan through this angle. “I agree, but measures must be taken to ensure that no decoration can be awarded to foreigners without the approval of the high commissioner. We must prevent Mohamed Cheikh19 from immediately handing out medals to all the Nassers and Ben Bellas to curry favor, or to all the heads of state around the world to be decorated by reciprocity”
Monday, January 11th, 1965
Congo-Léopoldville. New Caledonia. Municipal elections.
Jean-François Deniau, our ambassador to Mauritania, is in Paris. I believe the General should receive him to discuss the issues related to the Nouakchott conference20. He doesn't seem convinced, but he gives me his agreement.
In Congo-Léopoldville, the Belgians are showing impatience toward Tshombé21, who still refuses to go to Brussels. My feeling is that they’re going to switch sides and support Adoula, who has been the Americans' man. The former Prime Minister is very active. He’s in Rome and intends to hold a press conference.
“Tshombé will cling to power. You’ll see, he’ll make an alliance with the rebels rather than step down.”
The Assembly in Djibouti passed its budget under good conditions despite the campaign that had been mounted against Ali Aref22.
Bad news from New Caledonia: I had verifications made on the amounts of embezzlement discovered in the accounting of Maître Vergès, a notary in Nouméa. The embezzlement totals two hundred million old francs. The General is affected and somewhat irritated by it23.
Regarding the upcoming municipal elections, I ask the General, who will be receiving Maurice Schumann, to speak to him about Lille, as I believe it’s essential that he lead our electoral list24.
“Schumann won't be supported by the MRP and, on his own, he means nothing. Besides, I don't want to get involved in these matters. In any case, the MRP will behave there, as usual, in a disgusting manner; they'll ally with anyone as long as it's against us. You're annoying me with your stories.”
I insist.
“Fine, fine, I’ll say a word to him.”
Tuesday, January 12th, 1965
Mail. Gabon. Municipal elections.
A letter from Dacko dated early December arrived from Bangui via Brazzaville by boat. The General, like me, considers that it no longer requires a reply. I do, however, suggest replying to a new message from Tombalbaye.
“Again? You're making me write one every day!”
I inform the General of the death of Admiral Ozan’s25 son-in-law. He tells me to prepare a letter.
In my opinion, we will very soon need to consider replacing our ambassador to Gabon, François Simon de Quirielle, who has failed to properly re-establish contact with Léon Mba26. The General agrees. But in my view, there’s no one at the Quai with the right temperament for the position, so we’ll need to look elsewhere. “Fine, but instead of just telling me we need to look, give me some names.”
The General met with Schumann and thinks that after all, his candidacy in Lille could be considered: “So now it’s up to you — see with him if we can put together that list.”
In Rouen, R., who previously had some financial troubles, ran off with a bar hostess. “And that surprises you? I’ve been telling you for a long time that something like this would happen.”
The General asked me what had become of the collections from the Savorgnan-de-Brazza Museum in Algiers. I looked into it; they are safely stored with the Chambruns.
Wednesday, January 13th, 1965
Dahomey. Congo-Léopoldville. Djibouti. Comores.
I report on the meeting between Houphouët-Boigny, Hamani Diori, and Yaméogo with the Vice President of Dahomey, Justin Ahomadégbé27.
“Well, all of this is against President Apithy. Hopefully they succeed and restore some order.”
Tshombé will not go to Brussels. According to entirely reliable information, Spaak28 has been given carte blanche by the United States to resolve the Congolese issue. The General, who has spoken to me about it often, does not respond.
Eleven non-commissioned officers are needed to supervise the Somali militia in Djibouti at the most critical posts. The decision was made last year and was the subject of a handwritten note from the General, but during budget arbitration, Jacquinot failed to secure the necessary funds, and Messmer is taking them back. The General responds that all this should have been settled long ago, that it’s absurd and ridiculous, that Jacquinot is incompetent, and that I should have forced an arbitration to ensure the eleven positions were included in his budget.
I let him say all this without responding. If I had, I would have had to explain that Jacquinot neglected to inform me that he had not succeeded, which would only have deepened the General’s negative opinion of his minister’s weakness — and that’s not how I play. In any case, he told me to take the necessary steps, to issue the appropriate orders, and concluded: “Have me write something if necessary.”
Seventy-eight Comorian non-commissioned officers are being released from the army after eleven, twelve, or fourteen years of service. Yet, if they were allowed to serve fifteen years, they would be entitled to a pension. There’s a risk they might cause unrest when they return, unhappy, to the Comoros. At first, the General pointed out that it wasn’t an obligation to keep them for fifteen years, since they were on renewable contracts. But he acknowledged that politically, it would be best to let them serve until retirement. “Why haven’t you already done this?” I hadn’t been able to get Messmer’s agreement. “But you shouldn’t try to handle this matter on your own; you always want to act alone! Get help from Admiral Philippon — the personal military staff is there for that.”
I couldn’t interrupt him during his tirade, but afterwards I explained that I was handling the matter with Admiral Philippon and with the officer seconded to me, Colonel Laparan. He concluded: “This needs to be settled now, once and for all.”
Thursday, January 14th, 1965
Albert Schweitzer. UAMCE.
Schweitzer is ninety years old. “General” I say, “I think you won’t be sending a message for Schweitzer.”
“That’d be the last thing I need! Schweitzer has always been our adversary; he wasn’t reliable during Free France. He always had a bit of a soft spot for the Germans, you know what I mean. Besides, he’s a showman. I’m not saying he doesn’t have qualities — particularly those of a performer. But he’s not a friend, and there’s absolutely no reason for me to send him a message. In fact, with everything he was given, he could have done a thousand times better.”
The General received Jean-François Deniau, which led us to discuss the organization of the UAMCE conference in Nouakchott. He reminded me of the terms of his letter to Yaméogo at the beginning of the year and the need for Africans to unite.
“In return,” he added, “we’ll be able to continue helping them as a group. But if they keep bickering and dividing themselves, well then! We’ll drop them.”
Friday, January 15th, 1965
Guiana. Djibouti. The Américains drop Tshombé. Legion of Honor. Municipal elections.
Jacquinot’s trip to French Guiana is going well.
“But what is he doing there again? He’s always traveling. At his age, you can’t keep him in one place!”
I explain that Jacquinot has not yet made a single official trip to Guiana.
“Oh, really! Is he at least going to all the cities?”
“Yes, General. Jacquinot is very conscientious and, as you say, he loves to travel. Besides, the trips he makes always yield good results.”
The territorial assembly of the French Coast of the Somalis has protested against the presence in Loyada — a border town of Somalia, within Djibouti territory — of the mission of the OAU Nine. Governor Tirant is asking whether he should allow some members of this investigative commission to transit through. This doesn’t seem appropriate to me. The General explodes:
“This governor is an imbecile and hasn’t understood anything. Under no circumstances, do you hear me, under no circumstances, should they be allowed to set foot in Djibouti. It’s evident that if we let them pass, they’ll manage to talk to two or three people, and then claim they’ve established contact with the population. It’s madness, you’d have to be an imbecile to not realize it. Give instructions right this instant.”
According to telegrams from the Guinean ambassador to the United States that we intercepted, the Americans are dropping Tshombé. That’s what I had already anticipated a few days ago.
“Yes, it’s obvious, but Tshombé won’t let himself be pushed out easily.”
I speak to the General about promotions to the rank of Commander of the Legion of Honor. Once again, he contests my right to make proposals. Yet, he himself recognized that right and, every year, he sends me a signed document granting me a specific number of crosses, rosettes, and sashes I can allocate. Then, when I ask him to sign off, he always uses the same argument:
“You, are me. So, what you’re proposing is ridiculous because, in the end, it amounts to me proposing names to myself. Find another formula; it’s not for you to propose.”
I sidestep this and mention the people I am considering for promotion to Commander. I mention Father Lampué, whom he likes, Leroy-Beaulieu, and finally Compagnet29.
Compagnet is an old Gaullist. I submitted his promotion to the sash two and a half years ago. The General agreed, but Compagnet was rejected in the Council of Ministers. However, my secretariat didn’t wait for the Council’s approval and sent him the congratulatory letter that I always sign in advance. As a result, poor Compagnet received a congratulatory letter two and a half years ago, and still hasn’t received the sash.
The General explained at the time that there was no reason to give the sash to this man who, after all, spent his time making money. When I bring up Compagnet again, he replies:
“I already told you last time that Compagnet makes enough money and rewards himself just fine.”
In the end, I insisted so much that he finally said:
“All right, all right, propose.”
Jean Morin30, the Secretary General of the Merchant Marine, has agreed to head the list for the municipal elections in Angers. In my view, this gives us some hope.
“I agree, but if he’s elected, should we keep him at the Merchant Marine?”
I believe we should keep him there until the senatorial elections, i.e., three months later. He wants to be a senator, and he has a good chance of being elected because Debré and Foyer support him31. If he becomes a senator, he’ll have to resign from his post. The General agrees.
In Paris, Capitant32 has proposed Plantey’s candidacy. That’s what I tell the General, and it’s true, though the initiative actually came from Plantey himself. The General is very hesitant — not about the man, but because he is a member of the Council of State:
“You can’t be judge and party to a case. You can’t be a member of a municipal council and also belong to the Council of State, which is the administrative court.”
“In my view, he is eligible, but the real question for him is whether, as a municipal councillor, he can remain in the cabinet of the President of the Republic.”
“Out of the question. And he should step down before the elections.”
“In that case, I know how Plantey will react: he’ll prefer to stay with you.”
“That’s good.”
Also in Paris, there's talk of placing Marshal Leclerc’s widow at the head of a list, but I opposed it at the commission meeting.
“That would be the last thing we need, putting Madame Leclerc on the municipal council! She’d start off making a fuss, surrounded as she is by a whole crowd of weak-willed and clueless people, and she lets them manipulate her. Then, if she actually made it to the elections, she’d betray us afterwards. Consequently, out of the question.”
Then, with a twinge of guilt, he adds:
“I’m not saying she’s as idiotic and nasty as the de Lattre old lady, but still, it wouldn’t be right for her to be on the Paris municipal council.”
In Marseille, our friend Joseph Comiti seems quite well positioned33; the General is very interested. Speaking about the elections more broadly, he mentions a few names of people who betray. He then brings up those who already betrayed us. At the end of the day, it’s the same people.
Monday, January 18th, 1965
Gabon. Le Monde. President Dako insulted. Congo-Léopoldville
Léon Mba is coming to Paris for medical tests. The illness seems serious. It is said to be lung cancer. The General is quite troubled by this, first because he has sympathy for the President of Gabon, and also because he knows that his succession will be extremely difficult. “It’s extraordinary,” he observes, “you’re always up to date on everything that happens!” I tell him that, in this case, I was helped by chance: Mba’s doctor contacted Professor Vic-Dupont, who happens to be my own doctor. The General smiles; I hope he believed me, because it’s the truth.
A telegram from Quirielle reports the reactions in Libreville to an article in Le Monde on "brutality in Gabon." I knew, when placing the telegram in the file, that the General would react strongly. He’s exasperated by the fact that every time Le Monde publishes something, our embassies either tremble or rejoice.
“This nonsense must stop,” he tells me, “and we must stop letting people believe that Le Monde is somehow the mouthpiece of the government. You really have to be as foolish as our ambassadors, and have no sense of reality, to always highlight what that paper writes. Make sure the ambassador explains once and for all to President Mba that Le Monde is in no way charged with conveying my policies, and even less with expressing our views.”
I point out that President Mba does not believe Le Monde reflects the government’s opinion, but that he is sensitive to criticism from a French newspaper.
“I’m not at all sure our embassies themselves don’t perpetuate this false belief among presidents and leaders by the importance they attach to that paper. That must be ended once and for all.”
In the margin of the telegram, the General wrote: “The Foreign Ministry must instruct our representative to tell the President of Gabon, and if necessary to declare publicly, that the French government has nothing to do with what is published in Le Monde, on any subject whatsoever. We must put an end to this falsehood, too often encouraged within the administration, that Le Monde is in any way, by any means, an official paper.”
During David Dacko’s stay in Paris, his car — flying the Central African flag and bearing a lit emblem — was forced to the curb by another driver, who insulted his driver: “Just because you’re driving a nigger, a filthy nigger, doesn’t give you the right to, etc.” The General takes the matter very seriously and asks me to have this thug tracked down and prosecuted. But, according to what I’ve been told, prosecution is only possible if President Dacko himself files a complaint.
“What is this nonsense? Who told you that?”
“The police prefecture.”
“Of course, it’s Papon: always dodging, always smoothing things over, never taking responsibility, never cracking down! Take charge of this; speak with Foyer. This man must be tracked down, and the prosecutor’s office can certainly act on behalf of President Dacko to bring charges. In any case, I’m ordering it.”
Philippe Lettéron, a young man requested by Tshombé last October for technical assistance in Congo-Leopoldville, was sent off without the Foreign Ministry being informed — after all sorts of problems between the Foreign Ministry, the Cooperation Ministry, and, I must admit, myself. Couve34 gave instructions for his return.
“Triboulet35 should never send anyone without notifying the Foreign Ministry and without informing the ambassador. Please tell Triboulet that on my behalf, and make sure it doesn’t happen again. As for bringing him back, I think that’s an overreaction — but see to it.”
Tuesday, January 19th & Wednesday, January 20th, 1965
Burundi. Mali. Guiana. Justice. Overseas Territories. Municipal Elections. Germany.
On the 19th, I did not see the General, who was at Rambouillet with Chancellor Erhard36.
The assassin of the Prime Minister of Burundi, Ngendandumwe37, has been arrested. He is, apparently, a Rwandan employed at the American embassy. The U.S. ambassador finds himself in a very awkward position.
The President of Mali, Modibo Keita, has lost his father. I know that if I tell the General the news by saying, “I’ve prepared a condolence telegram for you,” he’ll reply that he doesn’t need to telegraph Modibo Keita. So I take advantage of his contrary spirit, which I know well, and say: “Modibo Keita’s father has died. I don’t think it’s necessary for you to send condolences.”
“But yes, why not? On the contrary, we must.”
I open my folder and continue: “Just in case, I’ve prepared a draft.” The General reads it and approves. Then I speak to him about the Prime Minister’s letter to Modibo Keita, reviewing the upcoming negotiations between Mali and France. The General had just spent forty-eight hours with Erhard and was immersed in German affairs, but he remembered the entire matter perfectly.
Foyer38 conducted a study, which confirms exactly what Papon told me: that it is not possible to prosecute the driver who insulted the Central African President unless Dacko himself files a complaint. The General flies into a rage: “Take a look at it again and force them to press charges. Keep in mind that the justice system has only one wish, not to judge. In this, by the way, it simply follows its minister, who himself doesn’t want trouble and therefore tries to deal with as few issues as possible, when and if complications arise. Handle this matter, I want it done all the way.”
I mention Jacquinot’s trip to French Guiana. The General says again: “But that Jacquinot is always gallivanting!”
“General, don’t forget that in the beginning he barely traveled, and that you asked me on several occasions to encourage him to make more trips. Now that he’s doing so, we shouldn’t reproach him for it!”
“Is he at least going into the interior of Guiana?”
“He even met yesterday with the Indians deep in the Oyapock.”
“Well then, good.”
I propose that the General chair a meeting of the governors of overseas territories around May 15.
“Why so late?”
“Because elections are being held in Papeete and Nouméa on May 1 and 8. We need to let the governors manage those, then bring them in afterward.”
“Very well, agreed.”
I move on to preparations for the municipal elections.
In Strasbourg, the UNR has reached an agreement with the MRP to form a joint list. “That’s very good, because we can’t run the municipality without Pflimlin39. But I’ve given instructions for Bord40 to gradually establish himself in Strasbourg. Keep an eye on that.”
In Nice, I think it’s necessary to present General Delfino41. The General refutes all my arguments. I think for a moment I might persuade him, but in the end, he says: “No, Delfino will be defeated because Médecin42, in the second round, will get support from the communists, who are willing to do anything to beat the UNR. We mustn’t engage Delfino too soon; he must be reserved for later.”
Still, even if Delfino is defeated, it would be honorably — and so we have every interest in launching him into politics in Nice to secure him a deputy’s seat in the next elections, because Diomède Catroux is incapable of holding onto his position for a second term.
In Bordeaux, all is well.
In Paris, the lists are being formed. Bernard de Gaulle43 will likely be a candidate, and he was supposed to speak to the General about it.
“Not at all, it was never mentioned. I’m not opposed to it, but I don’t want him risking defeat. So I ask that you look closely at the situation so that he doesn't walk into failure. And since he’s supposed to speak with me about it, let him do so first.”
In Lyon, should we fight hard or try to extract concessions from Pradel44 and negotiate?
“Pradel initially took a firm stance, but I read in the press his recent statements — he’s backing down. That proves he’s scared, that he’s not confident. But since we have no chance of taking over completely, we must negotiate with him — negotiate without sinking too low. I’ve already given these instructions to Herzog.45”
“That’s not the view of the Interior Minister. There’s a disagreement between Frey46, who favors a hardline approach, and Herzog, who is ready to negotiate.”
“Herzog is right.”
In general, Baumel47 says the municipal battle will be very tough. The parties are closing ranks against us, and in the end, it’s all aimed at the General, with the December presidential election looming in the background.
The General expresses satisfaction with his talks with Erhard: “Those poor Germans are completely demoralized. Erhard doesn’t know what to cling to anymore. For a time, he thought he could count on America, then he thought England might support him — but none of that is solid, and he’s realizing it. So, he’s turning to us. We got to the bottom of things, and that is good.”
Thursday, January 21st, 1965
Brief news from Africa. The sugar of the Overseas Departments
According to the wiretaps, the Burundian diplomats in Paris accused the United States of being complicit in the assassination of their country's Prime Minister as soon as the news broke. Letters from Ahidjo48 and Modibo Keita — the latter concerning the young Martin, who was bitten by a rabid dog and died in the hospital in Bamako. Houphouët-Boigny scored a success with Ahomadegbé. Kayibanda49 won’t go to Nouakchott. Léon Mba will be hospitalized the next day. The General does not pay much attention to all of this. I tell him about the efforts of our ambassadors to encourage African heads of state to reconcile at Nouakchott. “Yes, do that; it must be done,” he says.
The Guy Mollet government had agreed in 1956 that the overseas departments would be part of the European Fund as territories of the Republic, but not as integrated departments, which contradicts our policy. Then we allowed the matter to be confirmed in 1962, and now we are facing a very serious problem. Indeed, we must integrate our sugar production into the Common Market. If we fail to do so, in the next three or four years, with the sugar production of the Antilles and Réunion supported only by the mainland, I predict to the General that it will become intolerable for the French, and that, very quickly, the idea of separating from the Antilles and Réunion will begin to take hold. So much so that in a few years — especially if he is no longer there — we will be heading towards the independence of the Antilles and of the island of Réunion. Yet the Quai d'Orsay has not grasped the seriousness of this issue.
As for the French officials in Brussels, they’ll tend to not fight. The General exclaims: “Have you ever seen them fight even once? You know very well that if you don’t prod them, if you don’t force them, they do nothing.”
“I will need you to be able to force them.”
“Well then! Let me know when it needs to be done. Keep a close watch on that, leave me a note. I’ll study it”
I tell the General that I plan to take a few days off next week. He looks at me with surprise, not seeming to think I look unwell. “Very well,” he says with a slight grimace. I add that I will be away at the same time as him, since he’ll be going to Colombey to prepare for his press conference. “I don’t know if I’ll be able to go because that poor Churchill will likely hold on for a few more days, and I may have to go to London next week.”
The conversation ends with a reproach from the General: I’m giving him far too many telegrams in his files; I need to be more selective. I point out that I title the telegrams so he can get an overview and read only what interests him. He replies that, the moment I put a telegram in the file, he assumes it’s important. Therefore, he reads them all thoroughly, which makes it too much.
Friday, January 22nd, 1965
Gabon. Djibouti. Administrative problem. Municipal Elections. De Gaulle-Chaban feud.
I propose to the General a new way of organizing his telegram files. He doesn’t take much interest: “Do as you like, but be selective. Don’t stick me with as many as you have been.”
Our ambassador to Gabon is an incompetent — or at least incapable of pursuing a meaningful policy. Given Léon Mba’s illness, we really must replace him quickly.
“You’re right, but who should we appoint?”
I suggest the name of Maurice Delauney, who is the resident commissioner in the New Hebrides. I give the General his file, which he reviews and then says: “Yes. Discuss it with Couve. In any case, the ambassador must be replaced now.”
I return to the matter of lobbying the African heads of state about the Nouakchott conference. The General agrees, with an air that says: “You’re boring me, I already told you that!”
I show him a telegram indicating that the OAU decolonization committee passed incognito into Djibouti. He’s furious, but the telegram is worded in such a way that it’s clear our security service was alert and that the delegation was “sheltered,” so to speak, during their layover in Djibouti. He tells me he doesn’t understand why the stopover was necessary, but I remind him that between Addis Ababa and Aden, a stop in Djibouti is unavoidable.
The story of Ablé’s leave is rather amusing. Raphaël Ablé is an Ivorian who has been at the general secretariat for five years, where he does absolutely nothing, by the way. Ablé, who isn’t very sure of his standing with Houphouët, prefers not to return to Côte d’Ivoire; he wants to go on vacation to Haiti, where his wife is from. She is actually there, settling an inheritance, living with their son. In my view, sending someone from the General’s office to Haiti presents some problems. “No…,” he replies, “poor devil! What do you expect him to do? And if he tells stories, so be it.” I point out that it’s not very proper, and from a financial standpoint, I can’t authorize a ticket to Haiti. “Listen, if his wife is there, he has to go join her. He’s a good fellow, he’s been here a long time; if you can’t find a way to sort it out, I’m ready to pay for his ticket personally.” So I’ll make arrangements to send off good old Ablé, who has no idea how much sympathy the General has for him.
For the municipal elections, there is talk of Bernard Chenot’s candidacy in Paris50. “That’s not a very good idea. Is he on board?” I requested that the matter be held pending the General’s opinion; Chenot will only now be consulted.
Giscard51 is launching an offensive against the UNR. He’s going to stick us with has-beens. “Don’t let it happen. We absolutely must get rid of all those old warhorses, all those schemers. Believe me, the country will support you all the more if you choose competent people — young and new faces. So don’t hesitate.”
“Well! That’s exactly what we’re doing. Frey will talk to you about it, but we’ll come up against Giscard.”
“Too bad. That’s the only way you’ll get anywhere in the municipal elections.”
The General wanted Chaban to appoint Auburtin52 to the Constitutional Council, and I learned from Chaban himself that very morning that he strongly refused. “Don’t worry about Auburtin, I’ll handle it. He will be on the Constitutional Council.”
Monday, January 25th, 1965
DOM-TOM. Municipal elections.
I ask the General to receive our ambassador in Léopoldville; he gives me his approval. I inform him that Triboulet is scheduled to travel to Libreville on February 25; he raises no objections. As for President Léon Mba, it appears increasingly likely that he has cancer, which affects the General; he asks me to keep him informed.
Jacquinot has returned from the Antilles and French Guiana, pleased with his trip, especially in Guiana. In Tahiti, the strike is over, but Sicurani is having difficulties with the governing council. In Djibouti, the scheming of the OAU commission has yielded absolutely nothing. I ask the General what can be done about the two territorial councilors who traveled to a foreign territory to testify before said commission. He fully agrees that they should be prosecuted and asks me to follow the matter very closely.
Morin is the only one who can take the Angers mayor seat from the MRP, but as I’ve already mentioned, he is currently Secretary General of the Merchant Marine. “He must run. Tell him so on my behalf, and add that, since I’ll be visiting the West in the spring or summer, I want him to be the one to welcome me in Angers, as mayor.” I reply that I hope to be persuasive enough. Just as I’m about to leave, the General takes a sheet of letterhead and quickly scribbles: “January 25, 1965, for Mr. Foccart. Concerning the proposal regarding Mr. Secretary General Morin, my response is clearly affirmative.”
As soon as I come down from the General’s office, I phone Morin. I told him that the General wanted him to be a candidate, that he had written it to me, and that he would obviously be disappointed if he was not heard. Morin acknowledged that this changed everything.
Tuesday, January 26th, 1965
Upper-Volta. Municipal elections. Death of Churchill.
Mgr. Zoungrana, Bishop of Ouagadougou, has been elevated to the cardinalate; I prepared a telegram, but the General refuses to sign it: “I know Mgr. Zoungrana; my nephew, Father François, who spent a long time in Upper Volta, often spoke highly of him. But there is no reason for me to send him congratulations if he does not inform me of this promotion. If he writes to me, of course, I will reply with a very kind letter. If he does not write, it is not for me to make the first move. That’s how I always act with regard to French cardinals as well.”
The effect of my phone call to Morin seems to be positive. Delfino appears to be settled for Nice.
Churchill died on Sunday. The General spoke of him in terms one might expect, with great respect. Ultimately, he believes Churchill had a dignified end. He canceled the stay he had planned in Colombey to prepare for his press conference. I think that, since he will have to go to London to represent France at the funeral, it did not seem appropriate to him to leave French soil at Colombey.
I was supposed to be away for a few days and had chosen this weekend because the General was to be in Colombey. “Since you're not going anymore, does it bother you?”
“Not at all, dear friend, go get some rest.”
Wednesday, January 27th, to Monday, February 1st, 1965
I spent three days in Cavalaire. I returned on Sunday the 30th to Luzarches53. On Monday the 1st, the General was in Colombey. He returned on Tuesday the 2nd. He had taken those few days, after Churchill's funeral, to prepare his press conference.
In September 1962, Gaston Monnerville had accused Pompidou — but he was targeting de Gaulle — of treachery regarding the referendum project on the election of the President of the Republic by universal suffrage. The constitutional revision was adopted on October 28, with 62% of the voters in favor.
Xavier de Beaulaincourt is General de Gaulle's private secretary.
Dahomey is present-day Benin.
Félix Houphouët-Boigny is the President of Côte d'Ivoire.
David Dacko is the President of the Central African Republic.
Former Inspector General of French West Africa and then Ambassador to Gabon, Jean Risterrucci is the Director of Overseas Territories. He is to be appointed High Commissioner in the Pacific Ocean and the New Hebrides, and Governor of New Caledonia.
Alain Plantey is the deputy of Jacques Foccart.
The French Coast of the Somalis is then the official name for Djibouti.
Michel Habib-Deloncle is Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Subsequently, Jacques Foccart will often refer to him simply as Habib, following a fairly common practice.
Pierre Messmer is the Minister of the Armed Forces.
The overseas departments (DOM) are then the same as today: Guadeloupe, Martinique, French Guiana, and Réunion. The current overseas territories (TOM) — New Caledonia, French Polynesia, Wallis and Futuna, Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon, Mayotte, French Southern and Antarctic Lands — also include territories that will become independent: Djibouti, Comoros, New Hebrides (Vanuatu).
Louis Jacquinot is Minister of State in charge of the Departments and Territories Overseas.
The motion of censure was passed by 28 votes out of 29. The RDPT (Rassemblement Démocratique des Populations Tahitiennes), an autonomist party, had three representatives on the Government Council, and the UTD (Union Tahitienne Démocratique) had two.
"The unnatural alliance" refers to the one between the RDPT and the UNR.
The rue Oudinot is the headquarters of the Ministry of Overseas Departments and Territories.
This refers to a mission that the Decolonization Commission of the OAU (Organization of African Unity) decided to send to investigate the situation in Djibouti and the prospects for independence.
Pastor Marc Boegner is the honorary president of the Protestant Federation of France.
Jean Sicurani is the High Commissioner in Polynesia.
Mohamed Cheikh is President of the Government of the Comoros.
The summit of the African and Malagasy Union for Economic Cooperation (UAMCE, future OCAM) is scheduled to take place in Nouakchott on February 10. This organization of French-speaking African countries has been struggling since Côte d'Ivoire, Upper Volta, Niger, the Central African Republic, and Gabon — disagreeing with the depoliticization of the UAMCE — decided in March 1964 to boycott its activities.
Moïse Tshombé is Prime Minister of Congo-Léopoldville.
Ali Aref is head of the government of the French Coast of the Somalis.
Michel Vergès, a notary and livestock farmer, a veteran of the First World War, played a role in rallying New Caledonia to Free France in October 1940.
The municipal elections will take place on March 14 and 21. Maurice Schumann, former spokesperson for Free France in London, former and future minister, is a deputy from the North and one of the leaders of the Popular Republican Movement (MRP).
Retired Admiral Édouard Ozan is Chairman and CEO of the Society for the Study and Construction of Industrial Gas Turbines.
Léon Mba is President of the Republic of Gabon.
Hamani Diori is President of the Republic of Niger. Maurice Yaméogo is President of the Republic of Upper Volta (future Burkina).
Paul-Henri Spaak is Prime Minister of Belgium.
Pierre Leroy-Beaulieu is head of the information service of the French Cotton Industry Union. Maurice Compagnet, who settled in Mauritania in 1927, became a territorial councillor in 1947; he served as Minister of Finance in the government of the autonomous Republic from 1957 to 1961.
Jean Morin, the former government delegate general in Algeria (1960–1961), was prefect of Maine-et-Loire in 1949.
The former Prime Minister and the Minister of Justice are prominent figures in the Pays de la Loire region.
René Capitant is a leader of the “left-wing Gaullists.”
A professor at the Faculty of Medicine in Marseille, Joseph Comiti is a member of the central committee of the UNR (Union for the New Republic).
Maurice Couve de Murville is the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Raymond Triboulet is the Minister Delegate for Cooperation.
Ludwig Erhard is the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany.
Appointed Prime Minister at the beginning of the month, the popular Hutu politician Pierre Ngendandumwe was assassinated on January 15.
Jean Foyer is the Minister of Justice.
Pierre Pflimlin, former President of the Council, is the mayor of Strasbourg and a leader of the MRP.
André Bord is a UNR deputy from Strasbourg. He was briefly the secretary-general of the UDR, the Gaullist party of the time, in 1975.
General Louis Delfino is the Inspector General of the Air Force.
Jean Médecin has been mayor of Nice since 1928, with a break from 1943 to 1947. His son, Jacques, succeeded him in 1966.
Bernard de Gaulle, secretary-general of L’Électronique Appliquée, is the son of Jacques, brother of General de Gaulle.
Louis Pradel has been mayor of Lyon since the death of Édouard Herriot in 1957.
The mountaineer Maurice Herzog is High Commissioner for Youth and Sports, and the leader of the Gaullists in the Rhône-Alpes region.
Roger Frey is Minister of the Interior.
Jacques Baumel is secretary-general of the UNR.
Ahmadou Ahidjo is President of the Federal Republic of Cameroon.
Grégoire Kayibanda is President of the Republic of Rwanda.
Bernard Chenot was Minister of Health, then Minister of Justice, in the early governments of the Fifth Republic. He is now the head of an insurance company.
Valéry Giscard d’Estaing was then Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs and the leader of the Independent Republicans.
Jean Auburtin, a lawyer, was president of the Paris municipal council from 1961 to 1962. Close to De Gaulle before the war, he is the author of Colonel de Gaulle (Plon, 1965). Members of the Constitutional Council are appointed in equal numbers by the presidents of the Republic, the National Assembly (in this case, Chaban), and the Senate.
Jacques Foccart usually spends his weekends at his residence in Luzarches, in the northern part of the Paris region, and his vacations at his villa in Cavalaire, on the Côte d'Azur.